One voice or multi-issue movement? Exploring the role of bonding and bridging social capital within the COVID-19 antivax movement

Activism represents a prominent and growing body of knowledge in public relations scholarship and practice. Most of the extant studies focus on progressive and prosocial activism, understanding activism as a form of communication that aims to further social justice and equality. However, arguably, activism is a polylithic concept and not all movements are progressive in nature or seek to further issues in a given society's best interest. One such example is the so-called antivax protest movement that emerged in response to the global COVID-19 pandemic. In contrast to its depiction as a large, single-issue protest movement, the authors highlight it as a movement that brings together multiple issues, agendas, and worldviews. Drawing on Putnam's notions of bridging and bonding social capital, the authors argue that a movement's lack of ability to convert bridging into bonding social capital limits its longevity and impact. They suggest that public relations professionals need to avoid the temptation to apply convenient umbrella labels to multi-issue movements, emphasising the need to adopt a critical awareness of a movement's underlying issues and motivators, which may be varied, to develop nuanced and effective messaging. • The COVID-19 antivax movement is a multi-issue movement, which has been uncritically presented as a single-issue group • Activism is a polylithic concept deserving further critical attention beyond the extant focus on progressive movements • Bridging social capital may temporarily increase the impact, reach, and visibility of a social movement or activist group • A single-issue focus can strengthen bonding social capital, enhancing a social movement's potential longevity and impact • Multi-issue responses require active listening and consideration of different types of social capital & diverse objectives [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Public Relations Review is the property of Elsevier B.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

#fighteverycrisis: Pandemic Shifts in Fridays for Future's Protest Communication Frames

This qualitative social media framing analysis captures the discursive engagement with COVID-19 in Fridays for Future's (FFF) digital protest communication on Facebook. In offering comparative insights from 457 posts across 29 public pages from FFF collectives in the European Union, this study offers the first analysis of social movement frames employed by FFF during the pandemic. By coding all Corona-related messages across collectives, we chart three framing processes: adaptation (compliance, solidarity), reframing (reclaiming the crisis, nexus between climate and health), and mobilization (sustained involvement, digital protest alternatives). We discuss our findings alongside social movement framing theory, including frame bridging and scope enlargement to accommodate the pandemic topicality into FFF's environmental master frame, and frame development by FFF movement leaders. This study thus provides key insights into discursive shifts in social movements brought on by external crises that threaten to marginalize the cause and demobilize adherents.

From protests into pandemic: demographic change in Hong Kong, 2019–2021

Compared to other settings, COVID-19 infection and death rates in Hong Kong were very low until 2022, due to top-down interventions (e.g. quarantines, ‘mask mandates') and community activation. However, in addition to these epidemiological circumstances, Hong Kong has also undergone significant social and political change stemming from the social movement beginning in 2019 through the enacting, and aftermath, of the National Security Law. We draw on registered birth and marriage data from 2015 through 2021 to explore how fertility and nuptiality changed after the social movement followed by the first four waves of the COVID pandemic. We describe how fertility and marriage rates have changed in Hong Kong and to what extent the changes are associated with the social movement and the COVID pandemic. We further disaggregate the fertility and nuptiality trends by Hong Kong-born and non-Hong Kong-born population, with a specific focus on migrants from the Mainland. © 2023 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

Pandemic Priorities: The Impact of COVID 19 Pandemic on Ethical Leadership in the Healthcare Profession

Leadership priorities within The healthcare setting have been brought into sharp focus by The COVID 19 pandemic, coinciding with The Black Lives Matter movement, Me Too movement, PpE shortages and staffing crises. Appropriately championing The rights of such staff is imperative. The pandemic necessitates a period of rigorous self-analysis, recognising past failures, oversights and discriminations. Utilising a modified ethical leadership questionnaire, comparing pre-and post-pandemic views of healthcare leaders on their own ethical leadership values, this study demonstrates a novel Research into The effects of The pandemic on this topic. Our study has found significant changes in attitudes of healthcare leaders with regards to The ethics of justice;fewer leaders were likely to hold formal investigations and more leaders would follow unwritten rules relating to an ethical dilemma. They also would pay more attention to individuals. In addition, in terms of critique, leaders were more likely post-pandemic to speak out against injustice and unfair practices although whether this is due to The pandemic solely, or social movements such as Black Lives Matter and Me Too is yet unknown.

Translocal Social Movement Learning in the Face of COVID-19: Building Online Solidarity During Lockdowns

Social movements are at the forefront of fighting for another world as imposed to contend with it have severely impacted not only the activism of movements, but also their capacity to learn. Translocal social movement learning offers one way in which such learning can continue. This article shares reflections from participants involved in a translocal learning engagement between movement members and activist-scholars from Ghana, South Africa and Canada. It provides an important example of the kind of non-hierarchal social movement learning that can happen at a distance, when movements share, learn and support one another.

Theoretical and methodological approaches to activism during the COVID-19 pandemic— between continuity and change

In order to understand the way in which scholars approach the study of activism at a time of crisis, a scoping review was conducted to identify the extant empirical work on activism during the COVID-19 crisis. Our search resulted in 23 published papers across disciplines. Results showed elements of continuity and change in scholars' theoretical and empirical approaches to new and old forms of activism emerging at this time of crisis. In general, we found that COVID-19 led to the employment of novel and adaptive approaches from both the activists and the researchers, who tactically modified their strategies in light of the new demands. We conclude by suggesting that incorporating an analysis of the tools of protest, combined with an analysis of the adaptive strategies adopted by communities at a time of crisis might further our understanding of the ontology—as well as the epistemology—of social movements. Moreover, the study highlighted existing tensions between academia and other social stakeholders, which deserve further exploration. Copyright © 2022 Coen, Vezzoli and Zogmaister.

‘What we'd like is a CSA in every town.’ Scaling community supported agriculture across the UK

As the Covid-19 pandemic exposes the vulnerabilities of our globalised agri-food system, local sustainable food alternatives, such as community-supported agriculture (CSA), are on the rise. In CSA local farmers and households co-produce food sustainably and independently of the market. CSA's benefits and shortcomings are well-understood but we know little about how larger CSA networks can expand and consolidate the practice at scale. This paper investigates the UK CSA network, showing its ability to upscale, outscale and downscale CSA through institutionalisation, replication and politicization, before discussing the network's strategic limitations and dependencies. © 2022 The Author

Karl Marx in the Key of Actuality Resignifications, Decentering and Resistances from the Global South.

Objective: this article aims to respond to resignifications, decentering and resistances experienced in the Global South, and their interrelation with anti-systemic movements as expressions of a growing social nonconformism. Methodology: critical análisis of the writings of theorists such as Marx, Wallerstein, and Hobsbawm with the purpose of discovering new explanations regarding current latent political and socioeconomic problems that have been aggravated by the current COVID-19 pandemic. Results: the existence of expressions of rebellion, in general, constitute anti-systemic movements with the purpose of overthrowing everything that exists and promoting a new historical system different from everything that has been lived. Within the new anti-systemic movements, with a starting timeline that could be set from 2011 in Latin America and the world, there is evidence of a change both in the way of conceiving protest and in the relationship established with other subjects, and with cybernetic technology, or increasingly sophisticated electronic and mechanical communication systems. Conclusions: each social science theorist responds to his time and to the problems of the society of which he is a part. The current era is no exception and aspects of other past actualities are taken up again to understand this increasingly convulsive present with unresolved, long-standing problems, among them, the enormous differences and inequalities between the so-called First World countries and the Global South. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] Objetivo: en este artículo se pretende dar respuesta a resignificaciones, descentramientos y resistencias vividas en el Sur Global, y su interrelación con los movimientos antisistémicos como expresiones de un creciente inconformismo social. Metodología: se centra en el análisis conceptual de teóricos como Marx, Wallerstein y Hobsbawm, desde sus escritos, con el propósito de descubrir nuevas explicaciones con respecto a problemas políticos y socioeconómicos latentes en el momento actual, los cuales se han visto agravados con la actual pandemia de la COVID-19. Resultados: la existencia de expresiones de rebeldía, en general, se constituyen en movimientos antisistémicos con propósitos de derrumbar todo lo existente y promover un nuevo sistema histórico diferente de todo lo vivido. Dentro de los nuevos movimientos antisistémicos, con una línea temporal de comienzo que se podría fijar desde el año 2011 en América Latina y el mundo, se evidencia un cambio tanto en la forma de concebir la protesta como en la relación que se instaura con los demás sujetos, y con la tecnología cibernética o de sistemas de comunicación electrónicos y mecánicos cada vez más sofisticados. Conclusiones: cada teórico de las ciencias sociales responde a su época y a los problemas propios de la sociedad de la que es parte. La época actual no es la excepción y se retoman aspectos de otras actualidades pasadas para comprender este presente cada vez más convulso y con problemas no resueltos de vieja data, entre ellos, las enormes diferencias y desigualdades entre los denominados países del Primer Mundo y el Sur Global. (Spanish) [ FROM AUTHOR] Objetivo: este artigo visa responder às resignações, descentralização e resistências experimentadas no Sul Global, e suas inter-relações com movimentos anti-sistêmicos como expressões de um crescente não-conformismo social. Metodologia: teóricos como Marx, Wallerstein e Hobsbawm foram analisados a partir de seus escritos com o objetivo de descobrir novas explicações sobre os atuais problemas políticos e sócio-econômicos latentes, que foram agravados pela atual pandemia da COVID-19. Resultados: a existência de expressões de rebelião, em geral, constituem movimentos anti-sistêmicos com o propósito de derrubar tudo o que existe e promover um novo sistema histórico que seja diferente de tudo o que foi vivenciado. Dentro dos novos movimentos anti-sistêmicos, com uma cronologia que poderia ser definida a partir de 2011 na América Latina e no mundo, há evidências de uma mudança tanto na forma de conceber o protesto quanto na relação que se estabelece com outros sujeitos, e com a tecnologia cibernética ou sistemas de comunicação eletrônica e mecânica cada vez mais sofisticados. Conclusões: cada teórico das ciências sociais responde a sua própria época e aos problemas da sociedade da qual ele faz parte. A era atual não é exceção, e aspectos de outras realidades do passado são retomados a fim de compreender este presente cada vez mais convulsivo com seus problemas há muito pendentes, incluindo as enormes diferenças e desigualdades entre os chamados países do Primeiro Mundo e o Sul Global. (Portuguese) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Ánfora is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Lighting, signing, showing: The circulability of Pink Dot's counterpublic discourse in Singapore

Pink Dot, a homegrown LGBTQ activist group based in Singapore, has been treated as a social movement since its inauguration in 2009, and they organise an annual event to advocate for LGBTQ individuals. In 2020, due to the coronavirus pandemic, the twelfth edition of the event (PD12) took place online as a livestream on YouTube. The highlight of PD12 was the unveiling of a ‘digital pink dot’ via a virtual map of Singapore, where the permeability of its discourse in virtual and physical spaces became much more apparent in comparison with previous physical iterations of the event. Approaching the data with counterpublic and citizenship theory, I outline the circulability of discourse as the key feature of a counterpublic, and argue that PD12 achieves this in two ways: (i) the semiotic fragmentation of its physical signs and online discourse;and (ii) the deployment of intertextual elements in a drag performance. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] Résumé Pink Dot, un groupe d'activistes LGBTQ originaire de Singapour, perçu comme un mouvement social depuis sa création en 2009 organise, chaque année, un événement défendant les droits des personnes LGBTQ. En 2020, en raison de la pandémie causée par le coronavirus, la douzième édition de l’événement (PD12) fut organisée en ligne et retransmise en direct sur YouTube. Le point culminant du PD12 fut le dévoilement d'un « point rose numérique » via une carte virtuelle de Singapour, grâce à laquelle la perméabilité du discours entre l'espace virtuel et physique devient bien plus manifeste en comparaison des éditions précédentes se déroulant en personne. En abordant les données de l’étude avec les théories du contrepublic et de citoyenneté, je soulignerai l'aspect circulatoire du discours en tant que facteur clef d'un contrepublic, et je soutiendrai que le PD12 y parvient de deux manières : i) par la fragmentation sémiotique de ses symboles physiques et de son discours en ligne, et ii) par le déploiement d’éléments intertextuels dans les performances de drag queen. (French) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Journal of Sociolinguistics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Social media and suicide in social movements: a case study in Hong Kong.

Research has indicated that excessive and sensationalized suicide reporting can lead to copycat suicides, especially when deaths involve well-known people. Little is known, however, about the impact of the reporting of suspected protestor suicide deaths during social unrest, particularly in an age of social media. In June 2019, the most substantial social unrest in Hong Kong since its handover in 1997 was triggered by the proposed Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB). The social unrest subsided when Hong Kong and many parts of the world were hit by Covid-19 and very strict quarantine measures were imposed on crowd gatherings in Hong Kong at the end of January 2020. A number of reported suicides and deaths of undetermined cause took place during this 8-month period that received considerable attention. To better understand the possible effects of these highly publicized deaths, we examined media reports of suspected suicide cases before, during and after the protest period, as well as topics of suicide-related threads and their replies in social media forums. We found no clear evidence of increased rates of suicide as a result of these incidents, or during the protest period; however, it is suggested that certain narratives and attention surrounding the suspected suicides and undetermined deaths may have contributed to collective emotions such as sadness and anxiety. Some implications for misinformation (intentionally or un-intentionally) and mitigation of suicide risk during social unrest are discussed.

Media and government framing of asylum seekers and migrant workers in Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic.

One understudied area of adult education and lifelong learning is the role of media as educator and policy player. This article describes how the authors used critical discourse analysis to examine how asylum seekers, migrant workers and their advocates have challenged long-standing discursive framings of them as benefactors of Canadian generosity, criminals, burdens or victims - during the first ten months of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis points to the difficulties of navigating media engagement to advocate for individuals facing deportation from Canada, while also attempting to challenge the dichotomy of people seen either as worthy of dignity (those who work for low pay and in dangerous conditions to care for Canadians) or as unworthy (those who work on farms or who are not able to work). However, it also reveals the potential for critical lifelong media education to inform the work of adult educators across classroom, labour and social movement contexts to disrupt exclusionary and oppressive media and government narratives.

Le cadrage médiatique et gouvernemental des demandeurs d'asile et des travailleurs migrants au Canada pendant la pandémie de COVID-19 ­ Le rôle d'éducateur et d'acteur politique des médias est un domaine peu étudié de l'éducation des adultes et de l'apprentissage tout au long de la vie. Cet article décrit comment ses autrices ont utilisé l'analyse critique du discours pour examiner la façon dont les demandeurs d'asile, les travailleurs migrants et leurs défenseurs ont remis en question, au cours des dix premiers mois de la pandémie de COVID-19, les cadres discursifs traditionnels qui faisaient d'eux des bénéficiaires de la générosité canadienne, des criminels, des fardeaux ou des victimes. Cette analyse met en lumière les difficultés à diriger l'engagement médiatique pour défendre les personnes confrontées à la déportation du Canada, et elle essaye en même temps de remettre en cause la dichotomie de la perception des individus considérés soit comme méritant le respect (ceux qui travaillent en étant mal rémunérés et dans des conditions dangereuses au service des Canadiens), soit comme ne le méritant pas (ceux qui travaillent dans des fermes ou qui ne sont pas capables de travailler). Néanmoins, elle révèle aussi les possibilités qu'offre l'éducation médiatique critique tout au long de la vie pour orienter le travail des éducateurs d'adultes dans les contextes des cours en classe, du travail et de mouvements sociaux afin de rompre avec les discours exclusifs et oppressifs des médias et du gouvernement.

Social movement organizing and the politics of emotion from HIV to Covid-19.

The Covid-19 pandemic has seen the rapid growth of collective organizing on the part of patient groups to address scientific and health inequities. This paper considers the emergence of Covid-19 activism as an embodied health movement that draws on and contributes to broader movements for racial, economic and gender justice. Recognizing the central role of emotion in social movements and in the bio-politics of Covid-19, I examine the key presence of the affective domain in social change through three Covid-19 social movement groups. These organizations draw upon anti-racist, feminist, and queer and HIV social movement organizing that position Covid movement building in intersectional histories and futures. I argue that Covid movement activists have built "archives of feeling"-or public cultures of trauma-of commemoration, Covid survivor narratives, and direct action that center affective feelings around grief, representation, and anger, respectively. I suggest that Covid-19 will become a key lens for articulating structural and social inequalities through which broader social movements will leverage their claims for justice-moving towards an integrated social movement. Social movement mobilizing will continue to play a critical role to ensure that the focus in the Covid-19 pandemic shifts from pathogen to society.

From discontent to action: #quarantinehotel as not just a hashtag

This article shows how Twitter users' discontent with the quarantine hotel regulations in Norway turned into a digital protest. We discuss how the sharing and communication of messages through hashtags on Twitter facilitate the perception of the hashtag as a cultural object that activates a political agenda and perpetuates a digital social movement. This study used a novel approach to explore the significance of the echo chamber of emotions involved in digital protests and introduced stages of digital activism. The paper concludes by arguing that during a protest, the activists employ emotions as self-expressive tools that help them connect the issue at hand to bigger societal issues (structural discrimination and inequalities) and metaphors (prison and criminal behavior). Once this process starts, it further paves the way to reaching out for support, encouraging action from others, and demanding change from the government, as we show via the digital activism framework.

Coronavirus exacerbates xenophobia: Consciousness of Twitter posting during the pandemic

Free speech is not a license for racists to spread propaganda. However, the outbreak of COVID-19 and its subsequent spread across the globe has left a shocking wave of disbelief resulting in an upsurge of xenophobia in the society. Racism is a system of dominance and power designed to uphold the racially privileged. This study delves into the consciousness of Twitter postings during the COVID-19 pandemic and deconstructs the power dynamics in the hashtags used. The study's data was analysed using Twitter Application Programming Interface (API) to identify the representation within tweet sample sets. The study concludes that social interactions on Twitter constructs power dynamics and these shared values create a new form of power resistance and subjugated knowledge. This leads to a discussion of power between social media intertwined with the machine learning tools in social science and humanities studies. This study contributes to the academic debates about the public sphere and social media's role in constructing meaning in cultural and social change. It also suggests that Twitter develops policies to prohibit hate speech and impose regulations to ensure that online spaces remain civil, safe, and democratic.

Twitter Based Digital Social Movement Pattern to Fight COVID-19

Twitter has become a tool for people to trigger a social change, like what is happening right now during COVID-19 outbreaks. Most people are using social media platforms to express their perspectives. For the first time, this research aimed to analyze the pattern of a social movement that happened during COVID-19 Outbreaks by analyzing the Twitter dataset contains 23,476 tweets worldwide with the #COVID19 hashtag which was obtained from 02 March to 09 April 2020. Social Network Analysis tools are used to understand the pattern of movement. This research concluded that if the Government and Mainstream Media Twitter account triggered the conversation in the social media platform, followed by the activists and celebrities who engage in conversation between their followers, an ordinary person spread the point of view of the Government and Mainstream Media across their conversation network. The COVID-19 hashtag successfully engaged 10 protest clusters, which pushed the people to fight against COVID-19 in their countries, mostly targeting the government-related account. The digital social movement pattern is relatively different from the traditional social movement, even it has the same steps, which emerge, coalesce, bureaucratise, and the movement itself, but it takes place in the Digital Public Sphere without any social or political boundaries. The digital social movement forced the government to implement a better policy to fight the COVID-19 Pandemic, including to close the national border to prevent unnecessary effects of International Migration. © 2021 Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik. All rights reserved.

Global migration governance from below in times of COVID-19 and "Zoomification": civil society in "invited " and "invented " spaces.

The global pandemic has resulted in ad hoc unilateral policies on migration, mobility and border management while at the same time emphasizing the need for global cooperation. For global governance in this field to be effective, it needs to include stakeholders beyond states and international institutions. The Global Compact for safe, orderly and regular Migration (GCM) highlights the role of those groups directly affected by global policies, i.e. migrants and their organisations. The goal of this paper is to analyse the role of civil society in global migration governance in times of COVID-19. It employs a comparative approach between "invented" and "invited" spaces. "Invited spaces" in this context refer to spaces created by international organisations such as the United Nations Network on Migration's "Stakeholder Listening Sessions" on COVID-19 and the resulting statements. "Invented Spaces" refer to self-organized spaces by civil society actors. The paper will compare these spaces regarding their openness, the central issues and calls for specific policy measures, the stakeholders involved and the strategies they employ. I argue that the pandemic has strengthened the "input" dimension for migrant civil society in global governance. This relates to the structure/format as well as to the content of the participation. "Zoomification" has opened up access to "invited" spaces while pushing forward the creation and scope of "invented" spaces". There are indicators that the pandemic has also influenced parts of the output dimension, although it is too early to assess whether this will have a lasting effect on policies on the ground.

Calculative practices, social movements and the rise of collective identity: how #istayathome mobilised a nation

Purpose: The Italian government addressed the first wave of its COVID-19 outbreak with a series of social restrictions and calculative practices, all branded with the slogan #istayathome. The hashtag quickly went viral, becoming both a mandate and a mantra and, as the crisis played out, we witnessed the rise of the Italian social movement #istayathome. This study examines how the government's calculative practices led to #istayathome and the constituents that shaped this social movement. Design/methodology/approach: The authors embrace social movement theory and the collective identity perspective to examine #istayathome as a collective action and social movement. Using passive netnography, text mining and interpretative text analysis enhanced by machine learning, the authors analysed just over 350,000 tweets made during the period March to May 2020, each brandishing the hashtag #istayathome. Findings: The #istayathome movement gained traction as a response to the Italian government's call for collective action. Thus, people became an active part of mobilising collective responsibility, enhancing the government's plans. A collective identity on the part of the Italian people sustained the mass mobilisation, driven by cohesion, solidarity and a deep cultural trauma from COVID-19's dramatic effects. Popular culture and Italy's long traditions also helped to form the collective identity of #istayathome. This study found that calculative practices acted as a persuasive technology in forming this collective identity and mobilising people's collective action. Numbers stimulated the cognitive, moral and emotional connections of the social ties shaping collective identity and responsibility. Thus, through collective identity, calculative practices indirectly influenced mass social behaviors and the social movement. Originality/value: This study offers a novel theoretical perspective and empirical knowledge to explain how government power affects people's culture and everyday life. It unveils the sociological drivers that mobilise collective behaviors and enriches the accounting literature on the effects of calculative practices in managing emergencies. The study contributes to theory by providing an understanding of how calculative practices can influence collective behaviors and can be used to construct informal networks that go beyond the government's traditional formalities. © 2021, Matteo La Torre, Patrizia Di Tullio, Paola Tamburro, Maurizio Massaro and Michele Antonio Rea.

Emerging responses to the COVID-19 crisis from family farming and the agroecology movement in Latin America - A rediscovery of food, farmers and collective action.

CONTEXT: In Latin America, the so-called informal sector associated with family farming and the agroecology movements were instrumental at coping with and adapting to the COVID-19 challenges. OBJECTIVE: To assess the nature and extent of the early initiatives (first three months) deployed by this informal sector to cope with and adapt to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on food production and consumption in several countries of the region. METHODS: We used key used informant consultation (n = 168), an online survey (n = 125) and the detailed characterisation of regional case studies (n = 4). Textual data was analysed and categorised using Reinert's method, combined with similarity analysis. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS: 65% of the initiatives were 'local' in terms of geographic reach, 30% of them started within the first month after the pandemic and most of them were urban or urban-rural, whereas only 29% of them were exclusively rural. The analysis of the textual information captured through the survey revealed four major types of initiatives that were deployed or adapted in response to COVID-19:1.Direct producer-to-consumer food sales, generally existing before the COVID-19 crisis but adapted/strengthened to cope with it;2.Short value chains that linked rural and urban organisations and individuals supported by national or local governments, readapted through new health and safety protocols;3.Newly developed support and training programs on sustainable food production for self-consumption or local commerce, in rural, urban or peri-urban settings;4.Food assistance and aid initiatives focusing on vulnerable populations, relying on solidarity networks associated with the agroecological movement. SIGNIFICANCE: The pandemic highlighted the key role played by local food systems and value chains and the need to strengthening them through public policies, as a way to build food resilience in times of crisis.